Abolish the Government
政府の廃除
我承認 我不是一個善於等待的人
等待的過程讓我焦慮
對於西班牙內戰的事我腦筋一片混亂 當我想要好好寫些什麼的時候
又顯得過度的情緒化 因而我無法把我想的東西給好好講出來
當然 西班牙內戰對我們某些人來說有著非常沉重的意義
因為當我在2005年時告訴記者先生說 我要做一個Tribute to 西班牙內戰的時候
我的心情事實上雜亂不堪 我不知道我是否有辦法就一幅畫表達了我的心情和思緒
而我老是抱怨畢卡所說的不夠多 (即使他可是當初在現場的人)
所以在我離開之前的這幾個月 我想要好好用盡心血將所有的月份來陳述這段在我心中的 西班牙內戰
即使五月份我將大部份不會在台灣 五月份的Barcelona May Days將會是一個大部分的重點
而這個Tribute就叫 Remembering 1936.1367!
在我在西班牙的一個月裡 我不停的問問題
這些問題來自於11年的疑惑 過去裡 我們能拿到西班牙內戰的書
少得可憐 在美國的時期 我能讀得懂的英文有限
只能為那幾個海報感到興奮 我的手怕是一片黑旗 他不只拭去汗水
也讓我們記得這個落在土地上的我們喊叫的自由種子
能聽到的是由很多無政府老人拼湊出來的西班牙內戰
被出賣的無政府者被指稱是為戰爭的叛徒
讓我們在這樣的故事下落淚 西班牙是我心繫之所
對我來說西班牙
不只包括很多未解開的迷題 還包括著那像霧一樣的無政府之都
當我正站在馬德理 和 巴塞隆納的地上 我都感受到那蠢蠢欲動的革命激情
在馬德裡的街上見到CNT的黑紅旗在風中飄洋時 我幾乎感動的要落淚
這或許是你們所永遠無法了解的（像老左派的浪漫)
一連串的黑白照片 在我的腦海中浮現 拿著槍的女人揮著手
在頭上的那片黑紅旗被風吹的發出了聲響 人們互相搭著肩的沒有階級的差別
Durruti的故事 在愛瑪的弔念文中讓人想念這樣一個無政府主義者
沒有英雄式場景的存在大家的心中 你也就是Durruti.
沒有無政府主義者在西班牙會說 我們創造了無政府主義
無政府在西班牙的土地裡與農民工民共同由土地撫育出
在６０年紀念的影片播放會上 我沒有站出來為它們說了什麼話
經過一年 我站在馬德理看著當時的CNT報紙上寫著１百萬的無政府主義者參與西班牙內戰
我複雜的心情是無法訴說的 當站在馬德裡的街角 朋友告訴我
在這裡CNT伙伴們奮力的捍衛了人們的平等 我們在也不是資本家的奴隸
窮人不再為自己的出身感到卑微 他們講出自己的想法 他們感到自信為生命而驕傲
我的問題總是落在對話者的身上做開頭
“所以當時你的爺爺奶奶他們是無政府主義者嗎?” 當答案是為法西斯主義者時 往往可以開啟更有趣的對話過程
我對所有那個在anarchist movement中行動者的背景感到很好奇
這些糾雜著法西思/共產/史達琳主義/安那其主義背景的伙伴們常常會給你很有趣的答案
我曾經認為這是很多無解迷題的答案 只是我的時間不夠 在有限的訪問中還不夠讓我找到解題方程式
而這個在３０年代用力的蘊育著安那其主義的土地 在經過法西斯將近４０年的統治下 又將近３０多年資本主義的影響下
他的安那其”傳統”是怎麼的再次出現
CNT在７０年代底重回到西班牙的土地上時 他怎麼面對這經過法西斯淫虐的一切
就我在初步的關察與了解上 就如同往常 革命的傳統是很容易被資本主義的劣性給淡去的
多半的安那其主義者多少的有著資本主義下另類革命的態度 在８０－９０年中間美國的一堆地下安那其主義者
非常激近的保持了草根的革命行動 也在這時期確立了一些基進團體的誕生 但在之後出現的安那其團體
趨於安逸的生活 他們的革命似忽在某種程度上的與資本主義和平共存 或是說一體兩面的存在於一個空間中
對於這樣的安那其 讓人感到害怕 而一些安那其主義者辯稱這是在革命道路上不同的達成
西班牙會有這樣的景況嗎? 無奈的我在馬德理所看到是由一群較年青的安那其新進主義者
他們的生活混著資本主義下的安逸與半追尋原始生活的綠色革性形態 這是歐洲與北美自９０年代開始最流行的安那其主義中的一支流
但永有３００多個佔屋的巴賽隆納似乎很不一樣 他們的自治區存在於城市邊源散落著
做為集會地點 他們總是有個在那３００多間佔屋中的一個工作坊 你總不知道他在那邊發生著
但只要你走出街道去敲敲門 你總會從那聽到
大規模的與西班牙警察戰鬥的景況總是幾個月會有一次 馬德理和巴賽隆納都是著名的巷戰區
我曾經在馬德理跟著一群人跟警察追著跑的跑了半着鐘頭 當時只覺眼冒金星 事後想起來一切都很好笑
也因為我無法講西班牙語與卡塔籃語 所以當我參與了２－３次在巴賽隆納的幾個會議中都無法了解認何會議內容
這些會議種有幾個其中多半是為４０－６５歲 女男不一的安那其主義者所參與
他們有些人自７０年帶開始就參與了地下安那其團體 對於法西斯統治下的西班牙可能有更好的經驗談
語言成了我與他們最大的隔闔 我們面對微笑著 而我腦中卻悶燒了很多的無法問出的問題
我想有一天我回去 我會學會講西班牙文 和卡塔籃語
但請你記得 巴塞隆納不是西班牙 就像畢耳包 巴塞隆納是卡塔如尼亞 畢爾包是巴思土地
若是你不知道 別說你去過
在巴思土地上的感觸卻也非常不一樣 我只到了畢爾包十幾天的時間
他讓我感覺想起了台灣的天母或是台中 街道人很少很安靜 直到他們帶我到城市另外一端的貧窮區
那是一個奇怪的好地方 有很多的阿拉伯人在路上走動 還有一些看似羅馬彌亞人
(在西班牙也很多的東歐移工 但是也有很多的中國商店 其中東歐移民中羅馬尼亞看似佔了大多數)
貧窮區老是有警車來來去去的 牆上被寫上ETA的獨立口號
當我與朋友站在他家的窗台邊時 他指著一個每天我們都經過的街角 問我說”你覺得畢爾包真的很無聊嗎?” 我用力的點點頭
跟著他給我看了一個影片 這是發生在前幾個月的一場街頭暴動 街頭上的老人家們聚集在一起 他們喊著巴思語說著些什麼 警方開始攻擊他們 一些老人家被打倒在地上
今天有趣的是 很多的巴斯人們忘了他們要的是什麼 年青人能說巴斯語的人少得可憐
很多的中下階層家庭在自己的家們口褂上巴思旗幟 老實說 除此之外我卻很少能看到幾個帶有巴思強烈文化意像的東西 總說就像個大的城市
但朋友告訴我 那些東西是無法看到的 因為被現在的法西斯西班牙給非正式禁止著
我在畢爾包只認識安那其主義者 不認識獨立軍
雖說有一個被偷偷透露給我知道的人 但我無法在這裡講些什麼
除此之外 這是個安靜的城市畢爾包
當佛朗哥站據這個城市的時候 西班牙共產黨什麼事都沒幹
“The strike is for 72 hours and it started last night,” said union leader Jose Rodriguez.
Workers have repeatedly shut Sidor, 60 percent owned by Argentina’s Ternium, as part of demands for higher pay in what has been a 14-month dispute for a collective contract. The union on Monday called a 24-hour strike as part of the same dispute.
This is the sixth time this year that the plant, located in the southwest state of Bolivar, has been shut down as part of demands for higher pay. The union says it will not accept a daily salary increase of less than 53 Bs.F (US$24), however, the company says its final offer is 44Bs.F (US$20.5) per day.
An earlier protest by Sidor workers on March 14, in the midst of an 80 hour strike, was broken up violently by 120 functionaries of the Bolivar section of the National Guard and 60 state police. One union leader was wounded by gunfire and more than 50 people were arrested during the clashes.
(這句話我想講好久了 總統大選不是一個社會運動
現在美國的總統大選將近 行動者想說的是
不管歐巴馬來自那裡 這場總統選戰都不是一場社會運動戰場 只是另外一場腥風血雨的政治角力戰場)
On this day in 1965 civil rights marchers concluded a march from Selma, AL, to the state Capitol in Montgomery to protest the denial of voting rights to blacks. At least 25,000 civil rights marchers participated in the 54-mile trek led by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. This march followed a previous march two weeks earlier that was broken up at the Edmund Pettus Bridge by state troopers and sheriff’s deputies who used billy clubs, attack dogs and tear gas. The infamous incident became known as “Bloody Sunday.” During the second demonstration, marchers, who walked an average of 12 miles a day and pitched tents as they slept in fields at night, sang freedom songs along the way. At its conclusion, an estimated 50,000 people from every state in the country gathered at the foot of the state Capitol to celebrate. That momentous event within the Civil Rights Movement helped usher in the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
Now, I bring this up because I want to get it through the heads of Barack Obama supporters that they are NOT participating in a movement. At least, I haven’t heard about any of them being attacked by sheriff’s deputies using whips, electric cattle prods and tear gas. I haven’t noticed any cops turning loose attack dogs and tear gas them. Obama supporters are free to be excited about supporting the first black man with a serious shot at being President, but puleeeze, stop with the movement talk, and stop comparing him (and yourselves) to people who put their lives on the line, it just ain’t so.
You see, to support a candidate of some political party is a wee bit different then say the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, coming to Selma in 1963 to help blacks exercise their right to vote. This at a time when, for example, Dallas County, Alabama, which was majority black had only 325 blacks registered to vote, compared to 9,700 registered whites. Oh and voter ratios in surrounding Black Belt counties were similar—or much worse. SNCC’s efforts which predated those mentioned above by Dr. King and SCLC received little press attention compared to what happened later (and compared to the gushing media attention received by the Obama campaign today).
Getting black folks registered to vote in the deep south back then was a little different then registering Obama supporters to vote in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania today (see article below).
Mississippi Summer was a SNCC project. SNCC finally received press coverage when Mississippi Summer volunteers, James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, disappeared after having been released from police custody. While the search was on for their bodies, corpses of many blacks were found buried in the Mississippi mud. The FBI who reluctantly conducted the search did eventually locate the bodies of Chaney, Goodman and Schwerner as well..
SNCC and their allies also established 30 Freedom Schools in towns throughout Mississippi. Volunteers taught in the schools and the curriculum included black history, the philosophy of the civil rights movement. During the summer of 1964 over 3,000 students attended these schools and the experiment provided a model for future educational programs such as Head Start.
Freedom Schools were often targets of white mobs. So also were the homes of local African Americans involved in the campaign. That summer 30 black homes and 37 black churches were firebombed. Over 80 volunteers were beaten by white mobs or racist police officers. Others, including, of course, James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner were murdered by the Klan and their racist friends. This attempt to frighten others from joining the campaign failed and by late 1964 over 70,000 students had taken part in Freedom Summer.
It took guts in those days to be a black person and just register to vote. Police harassment and arrests, KKK violence including shootings, bombings, assassinations, and economic terrorism was common against those who dared to try to register.
This is different then you going out and giving a good speech to lots of applause. This is different then voting in a primary. This is different then making phone calls on behalf of a candidate.
One could go on and on and on, but I have to hope the point is made. A Presidential campaign is not a movement. Calling it one is demeaning to the many who participated in a real one.
The following is from Public Opinion (Chambersburg, Pennsylvania).
Obama supporters getting organized
By VICKY TAYLOR
Dozens of local Barack Obama supporters call it a grass-roots movement.
A month ago, most had already decided they favored Obama as the Democrat’s presidential candidate, but had only a vague idea of what they could do about it.
On Monday, many of them felt they had taken the first step in making a difference in Obama’s march to the Democratic Convention nomination and perhaps the presidency.
It has taken them less than a month to organize, obtain a local campaign headquarters and carry out their first project: A drive to register voters for Pennsylvania’s primary.
For the last 10 days, they have hit the streets, approached potential voters and even gone door to door in an effort to get local residents registered.
They feel their efforts have paid off with hundreds of new registered voters, but they also say they are having the time of their lives.
“I have been having so much fun,” said an exuberant Rosanne Johnson on Monday as she prepared to hand in the results of her latest effort — about half a dozen registration forms she had talked people into filling out that afternoon.
She stopped by the new Obama campaign headquarters at 33 S. Main Street in downtown Chambersburg to talk to her new friend, Barbara Weekley.
“It’s been exciting,” Weekley said. “We have signed up a lot of new voters, as well as quite a few who have switched parties.”
The two women, one African-American and one white from different neighborhoods and different walks of life, first met last weekend when they were paired up to go out to register voters.
They braved the cold that Saturday afternoon, armed with registration forms and a determination to make a difference. They shivered together in the cold, ate lunch together and celebrated each new registration together.
“It was cold and windy, and sometimes discouraging, but it was a great experience also,” Johnson said. “By the end of the day, we had forged a new friendship, and signed up some voters too.”
Johnson and Weekley recalled that effort Monday afternoon, talking about the exuberance of volunteers as they met at the end of the day at the Obama campaign headquarters on South Main Street.
As they were wrapping things up and getting ready to leave, a man came in off the street and told them “I want to register to vote.”
A cheer went up among the volunteers.
The incident was just one moment in a string of moments that encouraged and rejuvenated volunteers who have spent many long hours out in the community the past 10 days in an effort to register voters.
The aim, according to volunteers, has not been to campaign for Obama at this point, but to get voters registered so they can participate in next month’s primary election.
Justin Caffrey, a senior at Shippensburg University, said College Democrats on campus registered about 700 students, most first time voters.
“Our goal is to get them interested and registered to vote,” he said. “We didn’t try to influence their votes, we just wanted them to participate.”
He said volunteers found that many people wanted to vote but were just not sure how to register.
Volunteers in both Shippensburg and Chambersburg provided the registration forms and instructions on how to fill them out.
Weekley and Johnson said the push in Chambersburg was also to register people, and like the Shippensburg volunteers, they helped anyone who wanted to register, regardless of party affiliation.
“At this point, getting people to register was the key, so they have the option to vote April 22,” Weekley said.
Toyota, the world’s leading car manufacturer since 2007, prides itself on being “the most admired” one too. The multinational attributes this distinction to its constant concern to satisfy its customers and to its environmental awareness evidenced mainly in the launch of the first hybrid car. The firm’s slogan is a confident: “Today, tomorrow, Toyota”. Yet “today”, as for the past seven years, Toyota is refusing to recognize an independent trade union’s freedom of association and right to collective bargaining in one of its factories in the Philippines, even though these are recognized by Philippine law. “Today” the Philippine army is directly involved in the labour conflict. What hope is there for “tomorrow”? The multinational recently announced that it was planning to upscale its activity substantially by 2012, mainly by expanding production in China, India and Russia. If in these three countries it reproduces the behaviour in the Philippines that we have been denouncing for years, admiration for the multinational is unlikely to last.
Philippines Urgent appeal: Support Toyota workers’ right to an independent union
Appeal n° 314 (6 March to 10 May 2008)
Toyota, the world’s leading car manufacturer since 2007, prides itself on being “the most admired” one too. The multinational attributes this distinction to its constant concern to satisfy its customers and to its environmental awareness evidenced mainly in the launch of the first hybrid car. The firm’s slogan is a confident: “Today, tomorrow, Toyota”. Yet “today”, as for the past seven years, Toyota is refusing to recognize an independent trade union’s freedom of association and right to collective bargaining in one of its factories in the Philippines, even though these are recognized by Philippine law. “Today” the Philippine army is directly involved in the labour conflict. What hope is there for “tomorrow”? The multinational recently announced that it was planning to upscale its activity substantially by 2012, mainly by expanding production in China, India and Russia. If in these three countries it reproduces the behaviour in the Philippines that we have been denouncing for years, admiration for the multinational is unlikely to last.
Toyota set up its first production plant in the Philippines in 1988. From the start the firm flouted its workers’ rights, especially the fundamental right to free association and collective bargaining -indispensable for improving working conditions and complying with labour laws. Ten years later, when the workers decided to form an independent union, the Toyota Motors Philippines Corporation Workers Association (TMPCWA), the firm categorically refused to recognize it.
Seven years of struggle for workers unfairly dismissed
In 1999 the TMPCWA won the trade union elections but the Toyota management refused to recognize these results and tried in every way to challenge their validity. The mediator from the Philippine labour relations bureau and the Labour Minister himself attempted to intervene, but to no avail: Toyota refused to negotiate with the legally elected union. In February 2001, to protest against the firm’s clearly anti-union attitude, the TMPCWA organized a series of peaceful demonstrations outside the ministry. Toyota then decided to sack them, and a total of 233 workers were left without jobs because they had tried to defend their rights. To support their colleagues, workers at the factory organized a strike picket outside Toyota’s two factories in the Philippines and demanded their immediate reinstatement. With the support of the parent company in Japan and of other Japanese multinationals in the Philippines threatening to leave the country if their interests were not protected, Toyota obtained the assistance of the police which, together with private guards, violently dispersed the demonstrators. Yet in 2003 and 2004 the Supreme Court had ruled that the strike was legal, and had enjoined Toyota to agree to collective bargaining. From 2001 to 2006, the ILO’s Committee for Trade Union Freedom issued no fewer than four recommendations urging the Philippine state to ensure that the TMPCWA’s rights were respected. Toyota, clearly supported by the Labour Ministry, seemed nevertheless to remain deaf to the workers’ demands.
Connivance with the Philippine Army
Peuples Solidaires has been supporting the TMPCWA in its struggle for the past few years, and has already launched three Appeals concerning Toyota, in 2004, 2006 and 2007. We are therefore extremely concerned to learn that on 10 January 2008 a military detachment of the 202 infantry brigade of the Philippine army was moved into the area near the TMPCWA offices, in the Pulong Santa Cruz district, officially with the mission of supporting the local population’s development. The untimely visit of three members of this unit to the TMPCWA offices on 24 January and 4 February 2008, and their questioning of union members, suggest renewed attempts to intimidate the union. At the same time, a special police station was set up on the company’s premises to protect Toyota’s Laguna site. The TMPCWA has furthermore learned that the members of the infantry brigade near their offices have free access to the Toyota factories. The TMPCWA fears that the presence of this military force will lead to violence, kidnappings or even murders. The Philippines is one of the most dangerous countries in the world for trade unionists, and the presence of soldiers near a union in conflict does not augur well. “Nothing justifies a military presence in this part of town” explained Ed Cubelo, chairman of the TMPCWA; “the Pulong Santa Cruz community is not known for being a den of criminals or a threat to security, which might have justified something like martial law…”.
The fact that the 202 infantry brigade has tried to make the local population believe that the TMPCWA unionists are actually members of the New People’s Army (NPA), a paramilitary group dependent on the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), considered as a terrorist organization, simply amplifies our fears for the unionists’ safety.
TO KNOW MORE
The march of the “Big Three”
From 3 to 7 March 2008, the three main trade unions in the Philippines – those at Toyota (the TMPCWA), at Nissan and at Nestlé – participated in a five-day march from the south of Luzon (known as the “investment capital”) up to the president’s palace in the centre of Mailla to inform President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo of the three multinationals’ anti-union activities.
International solidarity campaign
The struggle of the Philippine workers at Toyota and of the independent TMPCWA has been supported for a number of years by the International Metalworkers Federation and Japanese unions which help the TMPCWA to make its struggle known world-wide. In January 2006 the “Zen-to-union” was created. This is a new union calling all Toyota workers throughout the world to unite.
The TMPCWA website: www.tmpcwa.org
Revolute Every Min of Your Life 